Both men have raised money for DeSantis and advised him at times while lobbying his administration and state lawmakers for hundreds of clients. Ballard has also advised and, in the past, worked for Trump. Both were identified as “co-chairs” for DeSantis’s second inaugural this year, meaning they bundled at least $1 million.
Seven other lobbyists were asked to raise $1 million each, the document shows. Six lobbyists were asked to raise $500,000 in 2019, and 14 were asked to bring in $250,000 each. Eight were asked for $100,000 and three were asked for $50,000, according to the document. The goal was about $18 million in 2019.
Lobbyists said the contributions were not necessarily a guarantee of favorable treatment by state government. One lobbyist who participated in raising money said there was an understanding that they and their clients would have less access to the governor and his team if they did not participate. “It was the price of admission,” this lobbyist said, describing the person’s opinion.
At times, DeSantis angered some of the lobbyists by making moves that hurt their clients. For example, the documents show that fundraisers hoped the Florida Justice Association, a trial lawyers association, would raise $3 million. Fundraising records show the trial lawyers did not make contributions nearing that amount, and the governor went on to pursue policies that trial lawyers and consumer advocates viewed as unfriendly, such as tort overhaul policies.
‘There’s not much you can’t do’
Ethics experts said the arrangements, while perhaps unseemly, would not violate Florida law in the absence of an explicit promise for official favors in exchange for money. A state ban on gifts to public officials contains a carve-out for political contributions, and there is no cap on those contributions.
“Florida is kind of the Wild West right now in terms of campaign finance. There’s not much you can’t do,” said Roger Austin, a professor of campaign management at the University of Florida.
Anthony Alfieri, a professor at the University of Miami School of Law, said if clients or lobbyists received more access because they gave money, it would not be illegal, but it would “offend basic notions of evenhanded fairness.”
“Such fundraising-driven preference schemes distort policy and governance decisions by favoring the narrow business interests of firms over the broad public interests of Florida citizens,” he said.
Some of the clients from which lobbyists were expected to collect donations later had policy wins from DeSantis’s administration. The 2019 document noted significant targets, for instance, from electric companies Florida Power & Light, Duke Energy and TECO. Those companies donated to DeSantis-aligned groups, and their requests to raise rates on customers were later approved by a utility commission whose members were appointed by DeSantis.
For FPL, the rate increase amounted to a record-setting almost $5 billion over five years, borne mostly by residential customers while subsidizing commercial and industrial businesses. DeSantis also signed legislation protecting major utilities from lawsuits by customers who experienced hurricane-related power outages. In 2019 he appointed FPL’s chief executive to the Florida University System’s board of governors and the company’s lobbyist, John Holley, to the state’s athletic commission. Holley referred questions to a company spokesman, who declined to comment. Duke Energy and TECO did not respond to requests for comment.
Other contributions were made by Centene, a health care company with extensive contracts in Florida and around the country. The company was listed on the document as committing $100,000 in 2019 — and has subsequently given more, state records show. The company is bidding for a large contract in Florida. The company did not respond to requests for comment.
The 2019 document also suggested donations be sought from GEO Group, which operates prisons in the state, and property insurers that went on to receive a taxpayer-funded relief program. Others mentioned included FanDuel and DraftKings, the online sports betting platforms that were then trying to expand through state-level regulation. The companies did not respond to requests for comment. The insurers and the sports betting companies contributed to the state party. GEO Group made major donations to the RGA.
One of DeSantis’s biggest backers, home builder Mori Hosseini, brought DeSantis to play at Augusta National Golf Club, home of the Masters golf tournament, and then furnished the governor’s mansion with a golf simulator for DeSantis’s use. Hosseini later received fast-track treatment from the DeSantis administration for a highway interchange benefiting one of his projects.
Alice Crites contributed to this report.
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