Wednesday, December 18, 2024

The road back to power for Democrats. (Rahm Imanuel, WaPo, December 17, 2024)

Good ideas.  


The road back to power for Democrats

It begins with messengers and messages that meet the moment.

5 min
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York) greets Derek Tran during a campaign event in Anaheim, California on Oct. 12. (Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP)
By 

Rahm Emanuel is U.S. Ambassador to Japan.

Campaigns of joy in an era of rage don’t win elections.

When Donald Trump declared, “I am your warrior. I am your justice. And for those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution,” he was channeling a nation’s fury. The online cheerleading for the killer of a health-care insurance CEO in New York City is just more evidence of this seething, populist anger.

In contrast, the Democratic Party has been blind to the rising sea of disillusionment. In today’s America, aspiration and ambition have been supplanted by anger and animosity. Talk about missing the moment.

This groundswell of resentment had been simmering for years. Trump just seized on it. So, we shouldn’t be surprised that he also drew support from large numbers of Democrats’ own “coalition of the ascendant” — minorities, young urbanites and women so successfully mobilized by President Barack Obama. From 2020 to 2024, Trump doubled his share of the Black vote to 16 percent, while the Latino vote rose from 35 percent to 43 percent.

To many voters, the nation’s elite has overseen a system that is rigged in favor of the powerful. And for the first time in American history, there is a generation of voters who believe that their children won’t be better off than them.

The disenchantment started in 2003 with the Iraq War, dubbed a “disaster” by Vice President-elect JD Vance. Sold on deceit and deception, with thousands of Americans dead, damaged and disfigured, the conflict’s architects now sit on corporate boards and hold chairs at prestigious universities. So much for justice.

A handful of years later, “liar loans” and unchecked greed led to the collapse of the global financial system, with homes and small businesses lost and livelihoods destroyed. Not only was no one held accountable, but the same bankers who engineered the crisis were aggrieved at the suggestion of diminished bonuses and government intervention. It was a mistake not to apply Old Testament justice to the bankers during the Obama administration, as some had called for at the time.

Why would an American electorate put its faith in the same establishment that had overseen two calamitous events, with those responsible getting off scot-free? The bonds of trust between the establishment and the public had been severed, and too many in our party failed to appreciate it.

In fact, during the pandemic, Democrats abandoned their antiestablishment credentials and enthusiastically morphed into the establishment. In “following the science,” we shuttered schools and the economy.

Meanwhile, our language and priorities have reinforced the “aloof elite” stereotype. With inflation stinging, school absenteeism skyrocketing and students’ academic scores plummeting, Democrats consumed themselves in debates over pronouns, bathroom access and renaming schools and adopted terms such as “care economy” and “Latinx” to win over voters. It was a hermetically sealed conversation with ourselves, and we appeared much as we sounded: distant and detached.

Trump, on the other hand, captured the underlying zeitgeist. Rather than using his messaging against the Kamala Harris of 2024, he depicted her as the senator of the 2020 primaries, whose positions left her looking out of touch. Sure, his unfiltered words were crude — and often derogatory — but they reflected people’s feelings of abandonment.

Democrats have been here before. The road back out of the wilderness begins with messengers and messages that meet the moment.

Far from draining the swamp, Trump and his administration will soon be bathing in it. We need to reveal the populist Trump as a plutocrat. The hypocrisy will be there in the upcoming tax legislation and slashed regulations for the powerful — all paid for by the middle class.

With everyone from Big Oil to Big Pharma lining up for their share of the spoils, we will need to be strategic in how we strip away Trump’s populist veneer. By returning to our roots as the voice of the middle class, we can unite both moderates and progressives in a fight against the well-heeled and well-connected.

Second, we can no longer tiptoe around the issues that have people worried. Crime, immigration, homelessness and a fentanyl crisis are, understandably, on the minds of millions. When car jackings are up and everything in pharmacies is locked down, you can’t recite crime statistics to deny people’s everyday experiences.

Americans want to see respect for the laws that govern our borders and to live in communities that are safe and secure. That shouldn’t be hard to appreciate. People prefer order over disorder. Trump was successful on these issues because his words tapped the public’s frustration. Ours communicated permissiveness.

Third, if Democrats are to be relevant again, finding and supporting the right candidates for the 2026 midterm elections will be critical. In 2006, 2008 and 2018, we recruited candidates whose biographies conveyed authenticity. They were war veterans, sheriffs, small business owners and former football players. Crucially, they weren’t career politicians.

The strategy worked again last month, with Democrats flipping six House seats in New York and California. Candidates such as Derek Tran, a son of Vietnamese refugees and an Army veteran, and aerospace executive George Whitesides had credentials that lent them legitimacy and receptivity among swing voters. The personal is political.

November was a jarring reminder that misjudging the mood of a nation can be catastrophic. If Democrats are to make the most of the next election, they must ready their message and messengers, abandon failed orthodoxies and embrace strategies with a record of delivering seats, success and real prosperity.

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