Monday, August 28, 2023

ANNALS OF DeSANTISTAN: The Real Story Behind Ron DeSantis’ Newest Fired Prosecutor (Daily Beast, August 28, 2023)

So did DeSANTIS commit obstruction of justice, abusing Florida Constitution, Article IV, Section 7, by removing Monique Worrell, an elected prosecutor in the midst of an investigation of local police corruption?  You tell me.  From the Daily Beast:

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The Real Story Behind Ron DeSantis’ Newest Fired Prosecutor

By Jose Pagliery,

10 hours ago
Photo Illustration by Thomas Levinson/The Daily Beast/Getty/Reuters 

When Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis finally spoke to a national audience on stage at last week’s Republican presidential debate, he gloated about the way he spitefully sacked two “radical left-wing district attorneys” in his state who “wouldn’t do their job.” 

What American viewers weren’t told is that, behind the scenes, the governor’s office had quietly conspired with local sheriffs to tarnish the reputations of these democratically elected prosecutors—turning local cops against the state attorneys they’re supposed to partner with and trust. 

In the latest instance, the governor did one sheriff a huge favor by firing Orlando-area State Attorney Monique Worrell just as she was about to crack down on a wide-ranging cover-up by deputies who, she says, were faking documents to hide lethal and abusive behavior. 

“They thought that I was overly critical of law enforcement and didn't do anything against ‘real criminals,’” Worrell told The Daily Beast in an interview last week. “Apparently there’s a difference between citizens who commit crimes and cops who commit crimes.” 

Worrell continued that there are approximately 20 law enforcement agencies in Central Florida. “And they were all working against me, because I was prosecuting their cops, the ones who used to do things and get away with them,” she said. 

Her account was backed up by two people who spoke to The Daily Beast on condition of anonymity. 

In a frenzied bid to raise his national profile as he pursues aspirations to enter the White House, DeSantis has intensified his anti-woke crusade in his home state. In 2021, he banned trans students from girls’ sports. In 2022, he implemented a “ Don’t Say Gay ” law to muzzle teachers from mentioning the mere existence of gay parents to kids, targeted “ woke math ,” and rejected certain textbooks that mention race. This year, his administration formed a grade school book-banning council staffed with conspiracy-theorist moms. 

But of all his stunning power grabs , perhaps the most shocking was the vengeful way DeSantis removed two progressive prosecutors in Central Florida. In August of last year, he fired Hillsborough County State Attorney Andrew Warren , citing the prosecutor’s stated refusal to jail women for having an abortion that violated Florida’s increasingly stringent and conservative laws.

State Attorney Monique H. Worrell holds a press conference, on March 9, 2023, in Florida. 

Ricardo Ramirez Buxeda/Orlando Sentinel/Tribune News Service via Getty Images 

Warren sued to get his job back and lost. A federal judge stated emphatically that the Florida governor had violated his own state’s constitution and the prosecutor’s free speech rights, but refused to undo the suspension. 

But the trial uncovered something sinister: the way DeSantis tapped his so-called “public safety czar” to become the governor’s cloak-and-dagger political hatchet man. 

Larry Keefe, whose chummy relationship with congressman Matt Gaetz helped him land the U.S. Attorney spot in Florida’s panhandle under President Donald Trump, left the Department of Justice and became DeSantis’ legal commando whose job it was to punish undocumented migrants seeking shelter in the United States. But his less explored role has been to coordinate the purely political and unceremonious removal of local prosecutors—aggressive operations that seek to embarrass Democrats all in the name of public safety. 

Keefe appears to have kept a similar mode of operation when conducting both jobs. When coordinating the controversial contracts that rounded up desperate migrants and sent them to Martha’s Vineyard on potentially illegal flights, he seemed to try dodging public records laws by using a non-government email address named after “Clarice Starling,” the protagonist from The Silence of the Lambs . In that same fashion, court transcripts show, he used a private email address to coordinate Warren’s downfall with Hillsborough County Sheriff Chad Chronister and asked to shift correspondence to the encrypted app Signal, where messages can auto-delete. 

Internal documents unearthed at trial revealed that DeSantis also targeted Worrell, but decided against removing her because she hadn’t yet crossed a line like Warren had through his public promise. 

But there was work underway in the shadows. 

Just as DeSantis’ staff was readying to pounce on the Tampa prosecutor's office, Worrell began to get odd vibes from her own local sheriffs near Orlando—who seemed to be aligning themselves alongside the DeSantis administration, too. 

It became most apparent on a Zoom call her executive staff had with Orlando County Sheriff John W. Mina and his top brass in July 2022, which was first uncovered by the Orlando Sentinel . “I was at home and had COVID. I got on the meeting, and the call was being recorded . No one told me in advance that it was going to be recorded. In that call, the sheriff's disposition was very aggressive and accusatory,” Worrell told The Daily Beast, describing what happened next as “an ambush.” 

According to Worrell and another person with knowledge of the call, Mina began to pepper her with specific questions about cases that her office had failed to prosecute. The problem was, the cases actually reflected police misconduct and ineptitude, rather than forgiving or forgetful prosecutors. For example, both said the Orlando County sheriff complained about the state attorney’s failure to jail a particular known gang member fresh out of prison who was caught with a gun in his car. However, Worrell’s staff on the call countered that description of the case, noting that the felon had actually been illegally accosted by detectives who spotted him at a gun show, where they demanded to know what he was doing out free, followed him into the parking lot, and proceeded to break every rule in the book. 

“They took him into custody—without a warrant. Went into his pants pocket—without a warrant. Clicked key fob—without warrant. Went in—without warrant,” Worrell recalled. 

Detectives found a gun, but junior prosecutors quickly determined the case didn’t stand a chance in court. 

“There’s this little thing called ‘unreasonable search and seizure,’ and you can’t get evidence without a warrant. We were unable to go forward with charges because it was an illegal search and seizure. And we had lots of communication with the sheriff’s office about this case, trying to salvage the case,” she recalled last week. “As the state attorney, we’re not here to rubber-stamp what the sheriff’s office does. We can’t condone that.” 

From there, things only got more heated. 

Email records obtained this week by The Daily Beast offer a look at the mounting pressure campaign.
Brian Snyder 

In February, the governor’s office wrote a stern letter directly to Worrell’s team, demanding a vast and detailed record of unprosecuted cases—fishing for the very statistics and cases it could wave around to justify her removal. The next month, the state attorney’s general counsel assembled a simplified snapshot of dropped cases going back several previous elected prosecutors and warned DeSantis’ people that they were barking up the wrong tree. 

“The unfounded assertions and conclusions in your letter are certainly disappointing and quite frankly, irresponsible,” the state attorney’s general counsel, Kamilah L. Perry, replied. “The suggestion that our office’s ‘policies’ promote crime are empty political statements not supported by facts. These misleading claims pose a danger to our community, which is being intentionally misled by this political fear mongering.” 

As the months went by, local sheriffs began pulling prosecution statistics that found their way to the governor’s office 220 miles away in Tallahassee. But the way they did it turned heads at the Ninth Judicial District State Attorney’s Office. 

The aptly named Sunshine State is celebrated for its particularly transparent public records laws, which allow the average person to easily demand all kinds of government documents. But it’s not how partner law enforcement agencies get information from each other when working on official business. 

That’s why it seemed odd to Worrell and her advisers when, sometime around May, the records department received a request for copies of its exchange with DeSantis’ people from the “Orange-Osceola Police Chiefs Association.” The organization, which doesn’t appear to be registered at Florida’s division of corporations, is a private entity that’s led by none other than Carl Metzger, whose day job is actually campus police chief at the University of Central Florida. 

Going through official channels, prosecutors could have simply turned over sensitive case details and entire files, but that would have required the request to be part of official government work. This wasn’t. 

“It is our understanding that OOCPCA is not an ‘agency’ as that term is defined in Chapter 119, Florida Statutes and, therefore, the records are not being requested in connection with official agency business,” records officer Jonathan Dubose wrote back. 

Instead, DuBose offered to send over redacted portions—and told the police chief he’d get in line like anybody else for the rest of the paperwork. 

Meanwhile, Osceola Sheriff Marcos R. Lopez had gathered statistics that became the backbone to the governor’s eventual executive order plucking Worrell from office. The document, signed Aug. 9, complained about how only three people out of 32 arrested by Osceola for drug trafficking had gotten mandatory minimum prison sentences—and similar statistics for gun crimes. The statistics were stretched beyond belief, counting as failures even cases resulting from December 2022 arrests that weren’t magically finished in court three months later in March. 

The order was released the same day that DeSantis sent a takeover squad into Worrell’s office in Orlando—once again led by Keefe. 

In his announcement, DeSantis tallied a list of incidents he called evidence of her “neglect of duty and incompetence.” Among them, he pointed out how Worrell’s office had failed to prosecute Lorenzo Michael Larry, a 17-year-old who was under investigation for gunning down a young woman but remained free until he killed his pregnant teenage girlfriend. 

Prosecutors have countered that the detective hadn’t yet turned over the official paperwork allowing the lawyers to indict him and keep him behind bars pending trial. The governor also noted how 28-year-old Daton Viel was arrested for raping a teenage girl and let out on bond, only to shoot two Orlando police officers months later. 

The takeover was swift and aggressive. Text messages shared with The Daily Beast show how Worrell was coordinating with her own investigators to quickly turn over all of her official government items, which included her Glock 19 semi-automatic pistol, badge, and office-issued iPad. She left her Chevy Tahoe outside her home packed with stuff, as she wouldn’t be home for hours given the press conference she’d give that day. But that didn’t stop her replacement from apparently informing local reporters that Worrell had neglected to turn over the taxpayer-funded equipment. 

In reality, investigators had finished the job by 3 p.m., as instructed. The heavy-handed approach was also directed at her chief of staff , who was at home on maternity leave breastfeeding her infant daughter when State Attorney investigators knocked at her door with a bulletproof vest-wearing Orange County sheriff’s deputy in tow.
1243831545 Ramirez Buxeda/Orlando Sentinel/Tribune News Service via Getty Images 

The sudden change of leadership was jarring and forced the region’s criminal court to close for much of the day, according to local station WFTV . But the impact could be more far-reaching. 

Unbeknownst to locals, Worrell’s investigators were actually in the final stages of a long-running investigation into corruption at that very same sheriff’s office in Osceola County—and the interruption would be welcome relief to majors who kept phoning friends at the State Attorney’s office nervously checking for updates in recent weeks. 

Worrell told The Daily Beast that two incidents in particular had called prosecutors’ attention. In one, a deputy made headlines when he decided to repeatedly tase an annoying dirtbiker who’d led cops on a chase—only his decision to fire his taser happened at a Wawa gas station, setting off a fireball that caused injuries and was caught on tape . In the other, two deputies opened fire on a group of four men in a car at a Target parking lot who appeared to have stolen items from the store minutes earlier. One died, and two others were gravely injured 

But as the State Attorney’s own investigators dug around, they started finding evidence of police covering for each other’s lies in several other cases, she said. 

“As we were investigating, there was all sorts of illegal activity that started coming up: officers signing each other’s reports, getting them notarized in someone else’s name when they signed them themselves, fraudulent documents,” she told The Daily Beast. 

Worrell is now concerned that investigation could get railroaded with her DeSantis-appointed replacement, Andrew A. Bain, a former prosecutor whom the governor previously appointed as a circuit judge before giving him the reins at the Ninth Judicial District State Attorney’s Office. 

Bain’s team did not respond to a request for comment over the weekend. Neither did the Orange County Sheriff, Osceola County Sheriff, nor the UCF police chief. 

Worrell said she’s less than two weeks away from making the final decision of whether or not to sue the state over the way it handled her ousting. But she’s already developing a plan to run for re-election next year—potentially facing her replacement as an incumbent.

Feast of Saint Augustine, August 28, 1974, 49 Years Ago: "Fast Eddie" Recalls His First Days in Senator Kennedy's Office and Georgetown University

It was 49 years ago tonight (August 28, 1974, the Feast of Saint Augustine) that I heard Ralph Nader speak at Gaston Hall at Georgetown University:

It was 49 years ago tomorrow (August 29, 1974) that I went to work for the office of U.S. Senator Ted Kennedy, on the morning before my first class at Georgetown University.

Thanks to the Navy SEAL veteran, son of a Philadelphia Inquirer classified ad department workplace friend of my Aunt Helen, I was in like the proverbial Flynn

Like the character played by Robert Morse in the musical comedy "How to Succeed in Business Without Really Trying," I started in the mailroom.

It was around the corner from Senator Kennedy's main office. In fact, it was formerly and formally one of five rooms assigned to progressive Democratic Senator "Fritz" Hollings of S.C., which he had lent (permanently, it turns out) to Senator Kennedy after RFK was murdered, to handle the overflow of mail, which never abated.

For 2.5 days/week, as a freshman and sophomore (Tuesday, Thursday and Friday afternoon), I worked as an intern, first free, then paid ($53/week for up to 30 hours of work).

I opened and stapled mail, read mail, assigned mail to other people to read, auto-pennned and stuffed response letters, ran errands, did research, helped with casework, and quickly earned a mafia-sounding nickname.  My widely-used nickname in Senator Ted Kennedy's office was "Fast Eddie."

Because if you needed to send something somewhere quickly (this was 1974), there was no Internet, no E-mail and only slow cumbersome fax machines, which took 4-6 minutes per page (and emitted fumes that could make you dizzy).

You put it in an envelope, you called the mailroom, and you asked for an intern. Any intern.

Or, if it was Tuesday, Thursday or Friday afternoon, you would say, "Is Fast Eddie there?"
Fast Eddie (the EMK staff gave me that nickname) had survived rheumatic fever and arthritis. I was (and still am) a klutz. I did not drive (still don't and you should be glad I don't).

But Fast Eddie moved swiftly, got things done quickly, and did not tarry, unlike your typical undergraduate interns, who moved like molasses going uphill in Vermont in January.

I got to meet and talk and laugh with phenomenal staffers and superlative secretaries, including legislative director Carey W. Parker (a Rhodes scholar, one of several in that big room, and his secretary Shannon McDonald), Mary Murtagh and Melody Miller, and people who went on to be Ambassador to NATO (Robert Hunter), first Jewish director of the Peace Corps (Marc Schneider), and be appointed on EMK's death to the U.S. Senate (Paul Kirk). I learned how to answer a telephone, how to solve problems, how to use the telephone, and how to persuade government officials to do their jobs.

I would walk several times a day and take the subway (a/k/a the Toonerville trolley in Tom Wicker's novel, Facing the Lions) from the Richard Brevard Russell, Jr. U.S. Senate Office Building (a/k/a "OLD S.O.B.) to the Capitol, dropping freshly mimeographed speeches and press releases to the three Senate press galleries (newspaper, tv and periodical), sometimes to eye-rolling from journalists who were amazed to see so many EMK press releases.

I read the press releases and speeches, and learned from the scholarly style of Carey Parker, et al.

On November 21, 1974, by vote of 65-27, the United States Senate overrode President Ford's veto of the Freedom of Information Act -- urged by then-youthful Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Antonin Scalia. After the historic veto override, I carried the triumphant Ted Kennedy speech and press release to the press galleries.  To get there, I took the subway to the Capitol Building, took the elevator to the second floor, walking up the marble steps to the third floor, past this venerable painting of Lincoln signing the Emancipation Proclamation:

Less than nine years later, I became the "pest who never rests," using FOIA to win declassification of the largest mercury pollution event in Earth history, in Oak Ridge, Tennessee on May 17, 1983, as Appalachian Observer editor.

We also helped empower Sheriff's deputies to blow the whistle.  Result: the FBI arrested and incarcerate a corrupt Anderson County Sheriff (two-time Tennessee Sheriff of the Year Dennis O. Trotter).

We also helped run off a corrupt school superintendent, Paul Eugene Bostic, Jr., a "school dictator" of the sort documented by Harry Caudill in Night Comes to the Cumberlands.

After spending much of eighth, ninth and tenth grades on my back, my health became more robust as I walked several times a day, learning the corridors of power on Capitol Hill, walking by beautiful U.S. Capitol Hill artwork, paintings, sculptures and frescoes, and through secret corridors and hidden basement corridors, to obscure places like the Capitol basement, the Senate Folding and Stapling Room, the Senate Carpentry Shop, and the Russell Building Attic.

I would watch committee hearings and Senate sessions, pre-CSPAN. I would watch the legislative assistants in the Dance of Legislation (as Eric Redman called it), and the warp and woof of constituent correspondence and casework.

I would hang out with the likes of Mary Murtagh, press secretary Dick Drayne and the case workers, and by sophomore year even had a tiny 2x3 table-desk between press and case operations, complete with tiny chair and, of course, a telephone.

I found that saying "This is Ed Slavin in Ted Kennedy's office" got your calls returned, and that we could perform minor miracles.

It's like Harris Wofford said on January 20, 1961: "You can do anything with these phones!" (After calling to desegregate the Coast Guard, after JFK complained there were no blacks in the Coast Guard contingent at his Inaugural Parade.

In Senator Kennedy's office, I learned the power of positive thinking, knowing that with a keyboard, a telephone and a democracy, we could do anything to make the world a better place.  EMK staffer
Mary Murtagh and I helped to end sperm whaling with our research on jojoba, an oil seed that is an exact chemical duplicate for the oil of the endangered sperm whale, of which there were 20,000 killed in the world back then -- 2/3 of all the world's whales murdered then, saved by the wonders of the market system and a replacement product that nature created and we promoted. Google® jojoba and see what happened!

I was inspired by hearing Ralph Nader speak in Gaston Hall at Georgetown University the evening of August 28, 1974 (Feast of St. Augustine).  (It was also the eleventh anniversary of the "I have a dream speech" by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at the 1963 Civil Rights March on Washington, at Lincoln Memorial, and also the anniversary of the 1955 kidnapping and murder of Emmett Till.)

In 2008, Folio Weekly (Anne Schindler, editor, now with First Coast News) would call me an "environmental hero" for detecting and remedying the City of St. Augustine's dumping a landfill in a lake.  There have been other threats, but nevertheless I have persisted. 

Be not afraid.

My political theory professor, Jose Sorzano, said "Ideas have consequences." (He was later Deputy UN Ambassador under President Reagan, working under Ambassador Jeanne Kirkpatrick, another GU professor whose class on "Personality & Politics" I never took, only  because it was only offered on Tuesdays and Thursdays, my work days).

Yes, hearing Ralph Nader's speech 49 years ago tonight had consequences.

It led to life in, around and surrounded by, investigative reporting, government service and working to improve the lot of others.

It led to work for EMK and in two other Senate offices (Gary Hart and Jim Sasser), investigative reporting, two judicial clerkships at the Department of Labor (Charles P. Rippey and Chief Judge Nahum Litt), work at the AFL-CIO Occupational Safety and Health Legal Rights Foundation and the Government Accountability Project and privately, representing whistleblowers around America.

It led me to stand up for equal rights and honest government here, in the City of St. Augustine, where for years, we band of brothers and sisters have worked to transform our City government, from one of the worst to one of the first in North Florida on human rights, winning Rainbow flags on the Bridge of Lions, respect for GLBT rights, respect for Environmental Justice, and transforming our town (electing the incomparable Nancy Shaver, the first woman Mayor elected by vote of all of the people as such, on November 4, 2014)(see Folio Weekly article here).

We enjoyed beating numerous demolition permits before the Historic Architectural Review Board and watching as yet another federal court victory in Bates v. City of St. Augustine (Bates II), by U.S. District Judge Brian J. Davis (fine visual artists harassed by 32 years of Jim Crow law ordinances and oppression by City).  

In 2016, votes were counted in four fixed county races, including the fixed Sheriff's election, one of four illegally closed primaries, with two shills (one of them the Sheriff's own massage therapist, a former jailer) claiming "write-in" status, violating the Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and Article VI, Section 5(b) of Florida's Constitution, denying us the universal primary to which we're legally entitled.  I asked the Justice Department Civil Rights Division to bring a lawsuit.  A resolution was passed by the St. Augustine City Commission, calling for an end to such illegally closed primary shenanigans.

In 2017, activists and tourism business owners and managers united, with eight of us convincing the St. Johns County Visitors and Convention Bureau, Inc. to reverse the illegal firing of CEO Richard Goldman.  In all my years of labor law, I'd never won reinstatement of a CEO before, or any victory nearly that quickly.  

We won.

People are uniting and listening, and we're making St. Augustine a better place.  No longer do developers and millionaires and billionaires and racists throw their weight around here quite like they did in 2005, when I first spoke at a City meeting, or in 2006, when the City Manager WILLIAM BARRY HARRISS dumped a landfill in a lake, and thought it was cute.

In 2022, developer puppet County Commissioner JEREMIAH RAY BLOCKER lost his bid for re-election to Gold Star Mother Krista Keating-Joseph, who opposes overdevelopment.  BLOCKER was exposed as receiving a 100% exemption of his Ponte Vedra mason from property taxes, supposedly because VA considers him 100% permanently and totally disabled, yet he's a $81,000+/year County Commissioner, paid $110,000/year to be Executive Director of a dodgy non-profit, while working as a law firm partner, and (drum roll), a Major with the Florida National Guard J.A.G. Corps, which could not possibly consider him deployable if it knew of his 100% disability rating. 

Ms. Keating-Joseph defeated BLOCKER by 175 votes.  prodigal developer puppet JEREMIAH RAY BLOCKER's campaign spent fifteen times as much money, spending $15.64 for every vote he got. BLOCKER lost.  The people won. 

As Alexander Hamilton said, "Here, sir, the people govern."

Activists saved The Outpost and Fish Island, which has remains of eight slave cabins, slave graves and the mansion and graves of Jesse Fish, Florida's first crooked realtor, and founder of the citrus agricultural industry here.  We've stopped a proposed Planned Unit Development by developer DONALD R. HORTON and look forward to buying the land for a park -- part of a future St. Augustine National Historical Park and National Seashore.

We need more archaeology and greater National Park Service status here.   We need more history commemoration, not less, here in St. Augustine, including:
  1. Enactment of the St. Augustine National Historical Park and National Seashore, first proposed by Mayor Walter Fraser, Senator Claude Pepper, et al. in 1939.   
  2. Monument at Emancipation Park (where locals heard the Emancipation Proclamation read in January 1863);
  3. Monuments to documented local lynching sites; 
  4. Monument to St. Augustine's Union Civil War veterans; 
  5. Seated sculpture honoring slavery victims, showing a family being split for auction; 
  6. Seated sculpture of civil rights heroes and sheroes Dr. Robert S. Hayling, D.D.S., Stetson Kennedy and Barbara Vickers, engaged in conversation, perhaps looking at the slavery sculpture and one of the other Civil War monuments (like the one honoring General William Wing Loring);
  7. A large civil rights museum honoring St. Augustine's pivotal role in adoption of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, not unlike the ones in Memphis, Atlanta and elsewhere, putting everything in perspective; 
  8. A new Florida law requiring K-12 civil rights education, like in Mississippi;
  9. Florida fourth graders trekking to St. Augustine to learn history and empathy, with National Park Service rangers explaining to them and millions of other visitors the places here where Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr, Andrew Young, Ralph David Abernathy, Dr. Robert Hayling, et al. helped change history for the better, making America truly a shining "City on a Hill" for the world.
Yes we can!

My parents, both union organizers, were my first teachers. It took them twelve years to have their only child -- the result of my father having malaria in Sicily and my mother being subjected to unethical x-ray experiments at age 11. They taught me about right and wrong and standing up to power and oppression, something they were both adept at doing during most of their lives.

My aunt Bunny is a Franciscan nun in South Korea -- I did not meet her until I was ten, and I was impressed with her dedication to human rights. She said if she said anything against the South Korean dictator on a bus, she'd be overheard and bounced out of the country as persona non grata in 48 hours. She's still there, and South Korea is now a democracy.

History is complicated, I've learned.  One of my professors, Holocaust hero Jan Karski, is memorialized with this monument on the Georgetown campus, NYC, Israel and three places in Poland:

True to the standards of my first boss, Senator Edward M. Kennedy and his two murdered brothers, remember EMK's words at the 1980 Democratic National Convention:
may it be said of us, both in dark passages and in bright days, in the words of Tennyson that my brothers quoted and loved, and that have special meaning for me now:
"I am a part of all that I have met
To [Tho] much is taken, much abides
That which we are, we are --
One equal temper of heroic hearts
Strong in will
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield."

.... For all those whose cares have been our concern, the work goes on, the cause endures, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die.

Let freedom ring!


Sunday, August 27, 2023

Dollar General shooter was a former student at Flagler College. (First Coast News)

Under right-wing leadership of Dr. WILLIAM LEE PROCTOR, Ed.D., Flagler College was not a beacon of academic freedom, but a place of fear, where faculty members were fired for speaking out for equality and nondiscrimination.  In 2005, Flagler College students who were current local police officers and deputies spoke during a public administration class, speaking with pejoratives of the people they wanted to shoot or kill. Is it getting better now?  

Dollar General shooter was a former student at Flagler College