Wednesday, April 27, 2022

In a city full of adjunct faculty members, many struggle to get by. Adjuncts across the region are protesting what they say are unfair working conditions. (WaPo)

Good article in The Washington Post on university faculty members with multiple teaching jobs, badly underpaid.  

This is the proximate results of anti-union and anti-tenure ignorance fostered by wealthy investors who want colleges to be subservient to corporate power.   

We had a speaker to the Georgetown School of Foreign Service alumni in 1993, calling for abolition of tenure for university faculty. Brian and I were appalled -- not the message we wanted to hear at my reunion.  

The speaker, NYC billionaire GEORGE LANDEGGER, JR., is now a conflicted felon, caught squirreling some of his money way in Swiss banks. He later sold some of his Alabama paper mills to KOCH INDUSTRIES, natch.  Georgetown's International Business Diplomacy program is named after this convicted white collar criminal

So now, thanks to advocacy by KOCH INDUSTRIES and corrupt corpulent criminals like GEORGE LANDEGGER, JR., we now have a faculty member teaching at three (3) universities in D.C., including Georgetown, who is not paid a living wage. 

Thanks to guys like the wicked Parsons & Whittemore International businessman GEORGE LANDEGGER, JR., an Astroturf anti-union movement has resulted in low pay and low morale for faculty.  Cui bono?  (Who benefits?)

My mom helped organize all of the secretaries and custodians at Camden County College into IUE Local 440, winning higher wages and pay for the week they wee on strike.  

In her spirit, I hope we have more unions and less respect for vile labor-baiters like GEORGE LANDEGGER, JR. 




In a city full of adjunct faculty members, many struggle to get by

Adjuncts across the region are protesting what they say are unfair working conditions

Zein El-Amine carries his bags from Georgetown University on his way to drive to American University in Washington on April 11. (Amanda Andrade-Rhoades for The Washington Post)

Zein El-Amine has three bags in the trunk of his Toyota Prius.

One is for his teaching job at American University; another, El-Amine brings with him to lecture at Georgetown University. A third bag is reserved for Thursday nights at George Washington University.

The schedule of the Lebanon-born engineer-turned-writer-and-adjunct-instructor is hectic. On a recent Monday, El-Amine, 59, started his day prepping coursework in his office at Georgetown, drove to lecture at AU and ended the day back at Georgetown.

El-Amine’s workload is not uncommon. Many adjuncts in the District cobble together classes at various universities so they can earn a living wage.

“This is the life of an adjunct, right,” El-Amine said while driving to teach a class on Arabic film he designed for Georgetown. From all these roles, he is making about $16,400 this semester.

That reality has recently inspired protests at Howard University and AU, where adjuncts have pushed for higher wages, better benefits and more pathways to permanent employment. It has also shed light on an often overlooked truth of higher education: At the District’s eight major universities, more than four out of 10 instructors are teaching on a part-time basis, according to federal data from fall 2020, the most recent available.

Howard University faculty calls off strike after reaching tentative labor deal

About 50 percent of GWU’s nearly 2,500 instructors are adjuncts. At AU, 46 percent of instructors are adjuncts, and 44 percent of those at Georgetown are teaching part time.

The figures demonstrate universities’ deepening dependence on temporary labor, now yielding a steep increase in unionization efforts, said William A. Herbert, executive director of the National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education and the Professions at Hunter College, CUNY.

“One of the things that happens when contingent faculty unionize is that university administrations, for the first time, learn about contingent faculty’s working conditions,” Herbert said. “A lot of higher education is built on cheap precarious academic labor.”

An increasing reliance

More than three-quarters of public and private university faculty were either tenured or on the tenure track in 1969, according to a report from University of Southern California’s Pullias Center for Higher Education. Now, they are in the minority.

“Over the last half-century there’s been a flip,” Herbert said. “Now the vast majority are nontenure-track, who generally are paid at a much lower pay level than tenure-track faculty.”

More than 70 percent of college and university faculty are contingent staff — which include part-time adjuncts, full-time faculty who are not on the tenure track and graduate workers, according to data from the American Association of University Professors. Part-time instructorsaccount for about 40 percent of the faculty workforce.

Some faculty worry the adjunctification of universities limits research production, as adjuncts and nontenure-track faculty do not have the same research and publication obligations as their tenured and tenure-track peers.

Others are concerned about exploitation. What makes adjuncts attractive to universities — short contracts, flexible schedules, cheaper rates and not having to provide medical benefits — can come as a disadvantage for the instructor.

Adjuncts and nontenure-track faculty were among the first to have their positions slashed when cash-strapped universities had to adjust to the economic pressures of the pandemic. These workers tend not to have the same job-protecting safeguards as their tenured and tenure-track peers, which can lead to self-censorship around hot-button issues in the classroom, said Rebecca Kolins Givan, an associate professor of labor studies and employment relations at Rutgers University.

“If you’re hired on a piece-rate basis, course by course, you’re never going to feel secure,” Givan said. She added that “it’s not that adjunctification is bad. It’s that we need a humane solution that really supports student needs and furthers the mission of universities, and that means a path from adjunct status” to permanent employment.

Universities often rely on adjuncts for their flexibility. They fill last-minute vacancies. They can offer new ­courses without significant staffing or the “long-term financial requirement” of a tenure-track hire, Givan said.

And, in a talent-dense city like the District, adjuncts can be a marketing tool. The opportunity to learn from former White House officials, political strategists, attorneys and journalists draws many students to the nation’s capital. Many of these professionals have full-time jobs outside of teaching. They get health insurance and other benefits elsewhere and are not solely dependent on teaching wages.

‘It keeps you nice and disposable’: The plight of adjunct professors

Most adjuncts, however, don’t fit into that “romanticized” view of the field, said Derek Tozak, an adjunct who teaches freshman writing courses at AU. Many depend on second and third jobs to make ends meet. Tozak tutors Bethesda high-schoolers.

“You can make a lot more getting students into AU than you can teaching at AU,” he said.

Labor demonstrations spread through the District

The precarity of adjuncts has helped propel the labor movement, particularly at private universities, according to researchers at theNational Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education and the Professions. The number of faculty bargaining units at private nonprofit institutions grew 81 percent between 2012 and 2019, and the number of faculty represented grew 61 percent.

Researchers noted there has been a “major shift” in faculty representation as a result of factors such as the rising demand among contingent faculty for improved working conditions and a “more friendly” legal environment at the National Labor Relations Board during the Obama administration.

On-campus demonstrations, too, are popping up on campuses throughout the country. Faculty unions at DukeNew York and Howard universities have staged protests in recent months over contract negotiations.


America’s next union battlefield may be on campus

At Howard, pay concerns, along with policies that require non-tenure-track instructors and lecturers to reapply annually for their jobs and leave their teaching positions after seven years, were at the heart of a years-long negotiation process between the university and employees.

The labor battle came to a head when 350 nontenure-track faculty members, represented by the local chapter of the Service Employees International Union, threatened a three-day work stoppage if they could not reach an agreement with the university. The sides ultimately reached a last-minute deal that was ratified early this month.

Now unionized adjunct faculty and graduate student workers at AU are in contract renegotiations, and a fledging staff union is pushing for its first contract. The separate groups of faculty, graduate students and university staff — also represented by SEIU — are pushing for better pay.

American University junior Judah Featherman, a student of Zein El-Amine, attends a protest for better treatment of non-tenure-track adjuncts and other staffers in front of the Kennedy Center in Washington, where the university held a fundraiser on April 7. (Amanda Andrade-Rhoades for The Washington Post)

The groups have received wide-ranging support across campus. Students have organized alongside their instructors. More than 80 tenured faculty penned a letter in March urging AU administrators to settle a labor agreement with its unions.

“Low pay and feelings of disempowerment have meant high turnover and short staffing,” the faculty wrote. “In short, we cannot complete our research missions without a robust and empowered staff.”

Unionized employees have also staged several protests on campus. Workers rallied on Monday to push the administration for higher wages. Early this month, they took their efforts off campus to protest in the rain outside the Kennedy Center as AU President Sylvia M. Burwell held a fundraising event inside. Instructors stuck price tags to their shirts that displayed their pay.

On El-Amine’s shirt, the number $3,785 was written in bold red font. That number, he said, does not represent the work required of his job — hours of lesson planning for his course on Arab history and literature, writing letters of recommendations and coordinating extracurricular events.

El-Amine said he is much happier with his pay at GW, $5,200 for a master’s-level course, and Georgetown, which pays about $7,500. Georgetown also gives El-Amine supports that are rarely reserved for adjuncts — including his own office and, when he taught a six-credit class on Arabic language, a graduate assistant.

On heels of tenure debate, non-tenured faculty at Howard U. decry working conditions

Matthew Bennett, a spokesman for AU, said the university regularly compares its compensation packages with those of its peer schools. “Among the other local universities where adjunct faculty are represented by SEIU, only Georgetown University offers higher minimum rates,” Bennett said in an email. “AU and GWU have rates that are nearly identical, and both are higher than other local universities.”

Bennett added that the same factors that faculty say necessitate raises —among their concerns are rising living costs, inflation and financial challenges triggered by the pandemic — have also increased the university’s operating costs. He said the salary increases proposed by the union are “several times” higher than what had been agreed upon in previous contracts and “far beyond what the university’s budget could accommodate.”

Zein El-Amine leaves a parking garage at American University in Washington on April 11. (Amanda Andrade-Rhoades for The Washington Post)

But, Bennett said, the school’s upcoming budget includes “significant additional resources for compensation and benefits for faculty and staff.” Officials have proposed raises for adjuncts in the current negotiations, but union members said what the university has offered is too low.

Bennett added that the union and university have agreed to enlist the help of an outside mediator to get the campus closer to a resolution. “We remain committed to bargaining in good faith with both units and hope we can renew the existing collective bargaining agreements soon,” he said.

Still, the pace of the negotiations continues to frustrate members.

“Even though they’re progressive in their writings and supposedly in their approach academically, they really have no idea about how we live and how we survive or how much we’re being exploited,” El-Amine said. “AU, whether they care or not, is at risk of losing adjuncts like me who are, by any measure, excelling in educating the students there.”

Lauren Lumpkin is a reporter at The Washington Post covering local colleges and universities.  


Lawmakers Dismiss McKinsey’s Apology on Opioid Crisis as ‘Empty’. (New YorkTimes)

New York Times investigative reporter Walt Bogdanich, winner of three Pulitzer Prizes, investigated  Sheriff DAVID SHOAR and the St. Johns County Sheriff's and State's Attorney's coverup of the September 2, 2010 murder of Ms. Michelle O'Connell, with 2013 and 2017 articles in the Times and a 2013 PBS Frontline documentary.  Deputy JEREMY BANKS remains an employee of the St. Johns County Sheriff under Sheriff ROBERT HARDWICK.  Looking forward to Mr. Bogdanich's future visits to St. Johns County.

Walt Bogdanich's  book on McKinsey & Co., When McKinsey Comes to Town, will be published this fall. 

McKinsey may be most noted for its legendary conflicts of interest, such as advising FDA and opioid manufacturers.  It billed FDA some $140 million for its advice, while simultanously working for opioid manufactures. 

We need new laws.

We need stronger enforcement of our laws on conflict of interest and government contractors.

As James Madison wrote in his August 4, 1822 letter to W.T. Barry, 'Knowledge will forever govern ignorance, and a people who mean to be their own governors, must arm themselves with the power knowledge gives. A popular government without popular information or the means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy or perhaps both."

Conflicts of interest must be scrupulously guarded against. See, e.g., United States v. Mississippi Valley Generating Co., 364 U.S. 520, 548 (1961)("the 'Dixon-Yates' case"), involving U.S. Tennessee Valley Authority and its investor-owned utility rivals and conflicts of interest in a proposed Memphis coal-fired powerplant), citing Matthew 6:24 -- "no [person] can serve two masters," holding that laws and rules preventing conflicts of interest are aimed "not only at dishonor but at conduct that tempts dishonor."   

All conflict of interest laws are based upon Matthew 6:24 ("A man cannot serve two masters"), which the unanimous 1961 Supreme Court decision by Chief Justice Earl Warren found to be both a "moral principle" and a "maxim which is especially pertinent if one of the masters happens to be economic self-interest."  Id.

U.S. House Republicans mostly relied on their right to remain silent about their campaign contributors' unethical behavior in the opioid crisis. 

Almost as many of American died of greedy opioid businesses's dominance of our FDA and other government agencies as died in the Civil War.

Corporations are destroying our planet, including St. Johns County, where developers elect Sheriffs, Commissioners and other officials as their willing thralls. 

Here is Walt Bogdanich's article on McKinsey's April 27, 2022 testimony before the House of Representatives on the opioid crisis McKinsey  and its clients caused -- 600,000 Americans died as a result of avaricious monopolist's mendacious marketing of addictive drugs. 

From The New York Times:  


Lawmakers Dismiss McKinsey’s Apology on Opioid Crisis as ‘Empty’

The consulting firm’s top executive was apologetic before Congress but denied that advising both opioid manufacturers and their federal regulator posed a conflict of interest.

McKinsey & Company’s global managing partner, Bob Sternfels, testified remotely to Congress on Wednesday.
Credit...oversight.house.gov
McKinsey & Company’s global managing partner, Bob Sternfels, testified remotely to Congress on Wednesday.

The top executive at McKinsey & Company, appearing on Wednesday for the first time before Congress to answer for the consulting firm’s role in fanning the opioid crisis, came under sharp criticism from Democratic lawmakers. One likened the firm’s earnings from advising Purdue Pharma and other pharmaceutical companies to “blood money” from drug traffickers.

Bob Sternfels, McKinsey’s managing partner, testifying remotely to the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, apologized for McKinsey’s work in helping drive sales at opioid makers. He said the firm “failed to recognize the broader context of what was going on in society around us.”

But Mr. Sternfels did not cede ground on the main topic of the hearing: whether McKinsey’s simultaneously advising opioid makers and their regulator, the Food and Drug Administration, posed a conflict of interest. On that front, he insisted, McKinsey had been “transparent.”

“McKinsey did not — did not — serve both the F.D.A. and Purdue on opioid-related matters,” Mr. Sternfels told the committee. “As both McKinsey and the F.D.A. have made clear, our work for the F.D.A. focused on administrative and operational topics including improvements to organizational structure, business processes and technolo

gy.”


To some Democratic members, Mr. Sternfels’ words rang hollow. “Your apologies feel empty and insincere,” said Representative Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts.

McKinsey had worked with Purdue, Johnson & Johnson and other opioid makers to identify doctors who were heavy prescribers of painkillers, resulting in highly addictive drugs finding their way to some of the most vulnerable people in America. The work for Purdue began in 2004 and continued for 15 years as opioid-related deaths surged.

McKinsey stopped advising opioid manufacturers in 2019 and agreed to pay about $600 million to settle investigations by state attorneys general into its role in helping “turbocharge” opioidsales. The firm, which did not admit wrongdoing, was barred from taking on such work in the future.

Carolyn Maloney, the New York Democrat who leads the committee, which began its own investigation into McKinsey in November, said the firm’s “conflicts and conduct are among the worst I have seen in my years in government.” She has been in Congress for almost three decades.

Image
Carolyn Maloney, chairwoman of the Committee on Oversight and Reform, sharply criticized McKinsey for apparent conflicts of interest.
Carolyn Maloney, chairwoman of the Committee on Oversight and Reform, sharply criticized McKinsey for apparent conflicts of interest.


In one exchange, Rashida Tlaib, a Michigan Democrat, asked Mr. Sternfels why a McKinsey consultant placed a smiley face in an email questioning whether high-prescribing doctors would even notice new F.D.A. rules requiring tougher language for painkiller labels.

“I completely agree that a smiley face is totally inappropriate,” said Mr. Sternfels, who took the top post at McKinsey last July, after McKinsey said it had stopped working for opioid manufacturers.

The committee released a report this month that found at least 22 McKinsey consultants had worked for both Purdue and the F.D.A. since 2010. Even as McKinsey served F.D.A. offices charged with approving new drugs and monitoring their safety, it also advised Purdue on its interactions with the agency. Internal McKinsey documents, first reported by The New York Times, show that the firm cited its connections to regulators when seeking more work at pharmaceutical companies.

In a 2014 email to Purdue’s chief executive, one consultant stressed “who we know and what we know,” specifically highlighting the firm’s work for the F.D.A.

On April 5, a group of Senate Democrats sent a letter to the inspector general of the Health and Human Services Department, which oversees the F.D.A., asking for an investigation into possible conflicts of interest arising from McKinsey’s work.

Since 2008, McKinsey has taken in more than $140 million in fees from the F.D.A., advising the agency on a wide range of topics, including overhauling the division responsible for overseeing approvals for drugs such as opioids.

On Tuesday, in a separate Senate hearing on the F.D.A., Patrizia Cavazzoni, director of the agency’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, said she “anticipated” that the agency would not issue new contracts to McKinsey, pending the results of any investigations.

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Maura Healey, the Massachusetts attorney general, said McKinsey had made $86 million from advising the maker of OxyContin.
Maura Healey, the Massachusetts attorney general, said McKinsey had made $86 million from advising the maker of OxyContin.

In testimony to the House committee on Wednesday, Maura Healey, the Massachusetts attorney general, took issue with Mr. Sternfels’s denial that McKinsey had a conflict of interest in working with both Purdue and the F.D.A. Citing a McKinsey email, Ms. Healey noted that McKinsey worked with drug companies in 2008 to “band together” to stave off proposed safety requirements on opioids, including Purdue’s OxyContin. She also referred to internal documents showing McKinsey’s relationship with the F.D.A. “would benefit Purdue and its bottom line.”

Ms. Maloney asked Mr. Sternfels how much McKinsey had made from advising Purdue, a figure available from the documents the firm had handed over to Ms. Healey’s office.

“Congresswoman, I don’t have that number today; if that’s of interest, I’m happy to dig that up and come back to the committee,” he said. She then asked Ms. Healey, who replied: $86 million.

Ms. Maloney also said she would introduce legislation to require more stringent standards by the agency overseeing rules governing conflicts of interest in federal contracting. A similar billthis month was introduced in the Senate.

As the hearing drew to a close, Representative Gerry Connolly, a Virginia Democrat, asked Mr. Sternfels about a slide from a presentation McKinsey had prepared for Purdue in 2013. It described a system of incentives for sales representatives that included a “cash prize” and “celebrity status,” with images of Donald J. Trump and a man in a suit fanning a stack of cash.

In 2013, McKinsey advised Purdue Pharma, an opioid maker, on how to incentivize its sales representatives.
Credit...no credit
In 2013, McKinsey advised Purdue Pharma, an opioid maker, on how to incentivize its sales representatives.

“Mr. Sternfels, 600,000 Americans are dead,” Mr. Connolly said. “Many people are still struggling with addiction. Do you have any regret you want to share with the committee?”

Mr. Sternfels replied: “I regret that we didn’t act sooner, sir. If I could play this over, I would have put the client protocols in a decade earlier. I would have reached a settlement even faster, and we would have pivoted from serving the manufacturers despite whatever goals there were, and I’ve already apologized for that, to actually being part of solution.”

Ms. Tlaib, the Michigan Democrat, was not satisfied, comparing McKinsey’s work to that of drug traffickers.

“While McKinsey was celebrating its blood money, communities were being torn apart,” she said. “Y’all may be wearing suits and may be having these fancy offices, but you’re doing the same freaking thing.”

Republicans on the committee played little to no role in questioning Mr. Sternfels. They said the hearing’s focus was misdirected and should have centered on what they described as a more pressing issue: the trafficking of fentanyl across the southern border.

Michael Forsythe is a reporter on the investigations team. He was previously a correspondent in Hong Kong, covering the intersection of money and politics in China. He has also worked at Bloomberg News and is a United States Navy veteran. @PekingMike

Walt Bogdanich joined The Times in January 2001 as investigative editor for the Business and Finance Desk. Since 2003, he has worked as an investigative reporter. He has won three Pulitzer Prizes. 

Chris Hamby is an investigative reporter. He won the Pulitzer Prize for investigative reporting in 2014 and was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in international reporting in 2017. @ChrisDHamby